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charter_08 [2010-10-09 10:32] 83.101.5.51charter_08 [2010-10-09 10:39] 83.101.5.51
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 ===== Charter 08 ===== ===== Charter 08 =====
 +  * translated by Perry Link http://www.2008xianzhang.info/english.htm
   * translated by HRIC http://www.hrichina.org/public/contents/article?revision_id=174002&item_id=173687   * translated by HRIC http://www.hrichina.org/public/contents/article?revision_id=174002&item_id=173687
   * see also; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charter_08   * see also; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charter_08
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 ===== Charter 08 ===== ===== Charter 08 =====
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 ====I. Preamble==== ====I. Preamble====
  
-This year marks 100 years since China’s [firstConstitution ((Announced on August 27, 1908, in the late Qing dynasty, the first Chinese “constitution” was in fact an outline of principles for a constitution that was meant to go into effect nine years later. As part of an ambitious government program to modernize China, the constitution was aimed at strengthening the state while preserving the power of the emperor. See Andrew J. Nathan, “Political Rights in Chinese Constitutions,” in Human Rights in Contemporary China, by Randle Edwards, Louis Henkin, and Andrew J. Nathan (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), 77–124.)) the 60th anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 30th anniversary of the birth of the Democracy Wall, and the 10th year since the Chinese government signed the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Having experienced a prolonged period of human rights disasters and challenging and tortuous struggles, the awakening Chinese citizens are becoming increasingly aware that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values shared by all humankind, and that democracy, republicanism, and constitutional government make up the basic institutional framework of modern politics. A “modernization” bereft of these universal values and this basic political framework is a disastrous process that deprives people of their rights, rots away their humanity, and destroys their dignity. Where is China headed in the 21st century? Will it continue with this “modernization” under authoritarian rule, or will it endorse universal values, join the mainstream civilization, and build a democratic form of government? This is an unavoidable decision.+This year marks 100 years since China’s first Constitution ((Announced on August 27, 1908, in the late Qing dynasty, the first Chinese “constitution” was in fact an outline of principles for a constitution that was meant to go into effect nine years later. As part of an ambitious government program to modernize China, the constitution was aimed at strengthening the state while preserving the power of the emperor. See Andrew J. Nathan, “Political Rights in Chinese Constitutions,” in Human Rights in Contemporary China, by Randle Edwards, Louis Henkin, and Andrew J. Nathan (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), 77–124.)) the 60th anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 30th anniversary of the birth of the Democracy Wall, and the 10th year since the Chinese government signed the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Having experienced a prolonged period of human rights disasters and challenging and tortuous struggles, the awakening Chinese citizens are becoming increasingly aware that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values shared by all humankind, and that democracy, republicanism, and constitutional government make up the basic institutional framework of modern politics. A “modernization” bereft of these universal values and this basic political framework is a disastrous process that deprives people of their rights, rots away their humanity, and destroys their dignity. Where is China headed in the 21st century? Will it continue with this “modernization” under authoritarian rule, or will it endorse universal values, join the mainstream civilization, and build a democratic form of government? This is an unavoidable decision.
  
 The tremendous historic changes of the mid-19th century exposed the decay of the traditional Chinese autocratic system and set the stage for the greatest transformation China had seen in several thousand years. The Self-Strengthening Movement [1861–1895] sought improvements in China’s technical capability by acquiring manufacturing techniques, scientific knowledge, and military technologies from the West; China’s defeat in the first Sino-Japanese War [1894–1895] once again exposed the obsolescence of its system; the Hundred Days’ Reform [1898] touched upon the area of institutional innovation, but ended in failure due to cruel suppression by the die-hard faction [at the Qing court]. The Xinhai Revolution [1911], on the surface, buried the imperial system that had lasted for more than 2,000 years and established Asia’s first republic. But, because of the particular historical circumstances of internal and external troubles, the republican system of government was short lived, and autocracy made a comeback. The tremendous historic changes of the mid-19th century exposed the decay of the traditional Chinese autocratic system and set the stage for the greatest transformation China had seen in several thousand years. The Self-Strengthening Movement [1861–1895] sought improvements in China’s technical capability by acquiring manufacturing techniques, scientific knowledge, and military technologies from the West; China’s defeat in the first Sino-Japanese War [1894–1895] once again exposed the obsolescence of its system; the Hundred Days’ Reform [1898] touched upon the area of institutional innovation, but ended in failure due to cruel suppression by the die-hard faction [at the Qing court]. The Xinhai Revolution [1911], on the surface, buried the imperial system that had lasted for more than 2,000 years and established Asia’s first republic. But, because of the particular historical circumstances of internal and external troubles, the republican system of government was short lived, and autocracy made a comeback.
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